Name: Steve Bannon Emergency Podcast | The Tim Dillon Show #433
Uploaded: 2025-02-27T22:15:06.000Z
Description: Watch the stand-up comedy video 'Steve Bannon Emergency Podcast | The Tim Dillon Show #433' from The Tim Dillon Show on Comedy Buff. Published 2025-02-27. Transcript available.

Watch the stand-up comedy video 'Steve Bannon Emergency Podcast | The Tim Dillon Show #433' from The Tim Dillon Show on Comedy Buff. Published 2025-02-27. Transcript available.

Steve Bannon Emergency Podcast | The Tim Dillon Show #433

Steve Bannon, thank you for coming on.
I appreciate it.
Thank you for coming to the war room.
We were just talking about New York and that you like New York.
Love New York.
New York's my favorite city.
Why is it?
Well, Hong Kong's my favorite city, but New York's-
Hong Kong is amazing.
I can't go there anymore because I've been banned.
I've been sanctioned by the Chinese Communist Party.
Really?
Yeah, I'm the only civilian in history.
So at one minute afternoon on the 20th of January, 2021,
the Chinese Communist Party fully sanctioned four people,
Mike Pompeo, Matt Pottinger, who's a deputy national security advisor,
Peter Navarro, and myself.
I was a civilian at the time.
It's the only time a civilian.
So I can't have any association with any Chinese company.
I can't go to Taiwan or can't-
I guess I could go to Taiwan.
I can't go to Hong Kong.
I can't go to Shanghai.
And I lived in both of those places for a while.
So I love Hong Kong, love Shanghai.
That's unfortunate.
But New York, you're good.
Good.
You're still good.
Good.
You can come.
So, yeah, no, I used to live in New York, 15 Broad, down on Broad Street,
Brooklyn Heights, and up right across in the Public Library.
It's great.
When did you first meet Donald Trump?
Met Trump in August of 2010, before that midterm election.
Okay.
A guy named Dave Bossie I was making films for as a documentary director said,
you know, what are you doing tomorrow?
I was editing a couple of films.
I said, well, I'm editing these films.
I got to get out before the election in September.
And he says, well, can you go up and take a meeting with me tomorrow?
And I go, no.
And he says, well, I really need you to come with me.
And I go, why?
He says, well, I'm going to go up and meet Donald Trump.
I go, that's great.
But, you know, I'm slammed.
I'll just, I don't need to meet Trump.
I'll just skip the meeting.
He goes, no, no, you got to come up because I'm making a presentation.
He's thinking about potentially running for president.
And he wants to go through what it would take you in a primary.
And I said, of what country?
Right?
It's just not feasible at the time.
I didn't think.
And then, so we went up, made up.
Dave is probably a four-hour presentation.
I gave the kind of the populist part of it.
And I realized right away what a serious guy he was.
He, I tell people, he's the only person.
And that time, I spent a ton of time in D.C.
And, of course, obviously in New York.
But I said what would take hours to explain to somebody at Goldman Sachs and
McKinsey
about the Chinese Communist Party and the trade deficit and everything that
they wouldn't believe
because they think we're like building each other's country.
Trump got immediately.
I mean, he had a very deep understanding of China, had a very deep
understanding of the
trade deficit.
He was kind of a student of Lou Dobbs.
Lou Dobbs had been hammering this for 20 or 30 years.
And Trump religiously watched Lou Dobbs and then, of course, read all the
papers and came
to a very different conclusion than the elites in this country, that our
relationship with
China at the time was healthy for the country, it was not.
And Trump knew that, not just intuitively, he had a very deep understanding of
that.
And so when I left, he also, he would ask me because it was the Tea Party.
Right.
That November was the biggest, the Republican Party won 63 seats in the House.
Right.
It was a massive thing for the Tea Party.
And Trump, so I was given, Dave was a kind of a standard stock Republican,
conservative.
I was giving him the Tea Party and the populist nationalist pitch.
And Trump goes, well, that's what I am.
And a popularist.
And I go, no, no, no, no, no.
It's populist.
And he goes, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, popularist.
And I go, no, it's actually a populist.
And he goes, no, it's a popularist.
So I just quit trying to change it.
And then on the train on the way back, we took the asylum back.
I'm sitting there thinking about the meeting.
And I turned to Bossy and I said, you know, he actually understands things at a
deeper level.
Right.
I understand what he means by, I think I get what he means by populist.
Remember, he's a McLuhan-esque figure.
Right.
Everything, like Marshall McLuhan, the media is the massage, the media about
modern communication, theory for mass communication.
Yeah.
Trump understands that at such a deep level.
At a cellular level.
Cellular level.
Yeah.
That people don't understand.
Like, he understands.
Even his detractors, the people who hate him.
Don't get it.
Don't get it.
Don't get it.
They still don't get it.
And they don't understand his power.
What's amazing to me is I've grown up, you know, I'm 40 and I've grown up and I've
seen, you know,
I've paid attention to politics for the majority of my life.
Every election, you know, is some type of a referendum on something.
I've never seen a party as out in the wilderness right now as a modern
democratic party.
They've never, they don't know how to deal with him.
They don't understand his appeal.
You said this brilliantly on another interview.
They've never fully been interested in why he was popular.
They're only getting interested now.
And that was something brilliant that I thought was very interesting.
Remember, he's a Democrat.
I'm a Democrat.
Right.
I come from a working class Irish Catholic democratic family, union family.
He's a Democrat.
We understand the power.
Every major political movement in this country has been predicated upon working
class and lower
middle class people.
It just has.
That's the power.
Trump understands it.
That's his audience.
That's when I say mass communication.
He understands how to have a emotional, but also mental connection with a mass
audience working
class.
The democratic party has, has abandoned the working class.
What they are is that you had these billionaires at the top, the wall street
guys, the Silicon
Valley guys.
Then you have the credentialed class.
All these people with college degrees and Ivy League degrees are sitting there
like on
MSNBC telling you the way things are going to be.
And then they have a kind of a mass of, of, you know, the poor right below the
working.
They've abandoned the working class to us.
This project on populist nationalism I've been working on for 15 years, 14 or
15 years,
and they seated the ground.
It wasn't that hard because you, if you, if you go after and present yourself
as somebody
that could potentially be a solutions provider, at least prepared to listen,
the working class
is looking for solutions.
They're looking for people to listen to them.
That's what Trump stepped in.
He changed the Republican party from a country club party to a party working
class people.
In under 10 years, from the time I made him in 2010 to 2000, and he really
started getting
really involved in probably 2012, 13.
In 10 or 12 years, he totally changed a party to be a working class party
because in one of
the big things, the Democrats just ceded it to us.
They didn't try to fight it.
They're not trying to fight it today.
The people that actually speak about populism, Roe Kahana, who's very smart,
talking about
economic patron, or Fetterman, they're kind of on an island.
They're marginalized.
They're marginalized.
I keep telling, I said, you don't see them.
It's one thing to talk populism, another thing to get into it.
You don't see those guys on MSNBC every night.
You don't see them talked about and pushed every day in Democratic circles.
And these are the guys that are at least trying to come up with working class
and populist
solutions.
And they're kind of on an island right now.
The Democratic Party has just totally seen it because that credentialed class.
They're too precious to want to get down and kind of deal with working class
issues.
Why did Bernie Sanders, who had a similar position on immigration at one point
to yours, maybe
not exactly similar.
I don't know.
No, he had it totally similar.
It was very similar.
We took, we just lifted Bernie Sanders shit.
I mean, come on.
We just took it.
He was 100%.
He said, open borders is a Koch brothers proposal.
Like that's something they wanted.
Yes, he understood that.
And he understood they wanted to drive down wages.
At what point, and Bill Clinton said similar things.
Because Bill Clinton, remember the Clinton's power all came from the white
working class.
That's how they survived in Arkansas.
That's how he won the presidency.
And that's how Hillary Clinton saved herself for at least for a while against
Obama when
Obama ran the tables on her in the primary in, uh, in, in 2000, uh, in, in 2008.
What changed in the democratic party?
The cultural of it, the, the, the, the, the, you know, the cultural issues
overwhelmed it.
And that's why Bernie Sanders never had a shot.
As soon as he, you look, the capitalist today, the whole invasion of the 10 to
12 million.
And I'm just talking about people that came from January 20th, 2021, when Biden
took office
to Trump, that's a 10 to 12 million people.
That was the, the Coke kind of corporate class that the chamber of commerce
guys with the
open borders people.
But what they did is they, they wanted to kill inflation by flooding the zone
with low skilled
workers.
I mean, the federal reserve is very open about this.
They said they were going to do this.
That's how they're going to, and they did it.
That 10 to 12 million.
Well, Bernie Sanders, you can't defend American workers.
You can't defend American citizens of every ethnicity and race until you're
prepared to
go hardcore in immigration.
You can't have the world come here to your own country.
Your family's been here for generations, busting their ass to make this country
better and to
make the communities better and have the world come in here and compete with
you.
Not just working with the, with the low skilled jobs, but also with the, like
the phoniness
of the H-1B visas and that we don't really have any legal immigration in this
country.
It's all a scam.
It's all a scam.
So the H-1B visa, and I wanted to talk to you about that.
It's the press wages.
The whole thing's the press wages, and they, and they're winning.
You were saying-
And this is why Bernie, this is why Bernie, I say Bernie Sanders, the reason
people say
was Bernie, Bernie's a fucking pussy.
Yeah.
He did, he had two shots at the Clintons.
The Clintons are the epitome of the neoliberal, neocon globalist.
Okay.
And they're like the mafia, right?
These are hard people.
There's nobody harder than Hillary Clinton.
She's tough.
She's tough.
He had two shots at her.
Yeah.
I got brought into the campaign, not because I knew anything about politics.
I'd never been in a campaign office in my life, but I had focused for a couple
of years
working with Peter Schweitzer and other people on taking down the Clintons.
I got brought in because they were so far behind that they needed somebody to,
if you were
going to win, you had to bring Clinton's numbers down because President Trump
at that
time, candidate Trump, you could argue anywhere from eight to 14 points down in
mid-August
of 2016.
To close that gap, you got to bring the heat on Hillary Clinton.
And I was brought in as that.
Because I knew the Clintons.
And Bernie Sanders, I keep telling people, he had two shots at her, never laid
a glove
on her.
It was a pillow fight.
Right.
If you're going to get those people, you got to get up in their grill and rip
their face
off because they're tough.
And they're neoliberal, neocons.
They're very vulnerable.
But Bernie had kind of ceded that ground.
That's why he's not really had much of an impact on this populist.
Think about it.
We've had a populist nationalist revolt in this country.
And Bernie Sanders has been a marginal figure to it.
How did that work?
And in the Democratic Party today, this is why Rokihana and Fetterman are kind
of on
an island.
They don't really have a huge constituency in the Democratic Party.
What, in your estimation, I mean, you talk about is the age of Trump,