Name: The American Revolution is the Most Important Event Since the Birth of Christ
Uploaded: 2025-10-08T15:12:25.000Z
Description: Watch the stand-up comedy video 'The American Revolution is the Most Important Event Since the Birth of Christ' from Theo Von Clips on Comedy Buff. Published 2025-10-08. Transcript available.

Watch the stand-up comedy video 'The American Revolution is the Most Important Event Since the Birth of Christ' from Theo Von Clips on Comedy Buff. Published 2025-10-08. Transcript available.

I want to, The American Revolution, it's a new series. It comes out next month?
It comes out in November, November 16th. And I've been working on it for, when
it comes out,
it'll be nine years and 11 months. I started it. I said yes to it when Barack
Obama had 13 months
to go in his presidency. And, you know, Mark Twain says history doesn't repeat
itself. He's
absolutely right. No event has happened twice. But the Bible, Old Testament,
says there's nothing
new under the sun, meaning human nature doesn't change. So Mark Twain is
supposed to have said
history doesn't repeat itself, but it rhymes. So I've never worked on a film in
which it wasn't
rhyming in the present moment. And so The Revolution is just another one of
these extraordinary stories,
our origin story, which we've lost touch with. Oh, I think there's no doubt
about it.
It's at arm's length because there are no photographs. There's no newsreels.
They're in
buckled shoes. They got hoes. They got breeches. They got waistcoats. They got
powdered wigs. And
somehow we don't want to fuss with the great ideas. And the great ideas are the
greatest ideas ever. I
actually think the American Revolution is the most important event since the
birth of Christ. I heard
you say that. I really, really firmly believe that because if you think about
it, up until that moment,
everybody was under an authoritarian rule. They were subjects. They were
superstitious peasants. And we
created citizens. And that's a big deal. When we say we hold these truths to be
self-evident,
there was nothing self-evident about what Jefferson was about to say, that all
men are created equal.
No one on earth had made that proposition. Really?
That they're endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights that
among these are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Let's go.
That is not stuff that the world had ever really heard. He had distilled a
century of enlightenment
thinking. He'd been goaded on by what was happening in the breakdown of
relationships with the British
over stuff. And what became a quarrel between Englishmen suddenly got broken
out into natural
rights. Like, this is what we all not only deserve, but the world needs to
change. And it did from that
moment on.
And that was Jefferson.
And that's Jefferson distilling it, but it's the sensibility of everybody. The
other thing is that
it's a process thing. It's like democracy isn't something that you, it's a
thing. It's a process.
It's something you do. So when it says pursuit of happiness, the key is, we can
get to happiness in
a second, but the key is pursuit. It's like after a more perfect union, as the
constitution says,
the pursuit means it's a process. You're never getting there. And happiness did
not mean the
acquisition of things in a marketplace of objects, but lifelong learning so
that you would be virtuous
enough. They borrowed from the classical traditions to earn the right of
citizenship. And everybody
talked to you here as we're working on that virtue, virtue, virtue. It's all
about character. It's all
about the idea that character is destiny. John Adams is petrified that there's
too much ambition and
avarice, too much lust for profit, that we won't be virtuous enough to sustain
this republic. It's so
interesting because they're all the ideas that we wrestle with today, you know?
So the declaration is kind of like a love letter to the future in a way.
Oh God, my God. That's the best expression I've ever heard. That's exactly what
it is.
Tom Paine, Thomas Paine, an Englishman who came off the boat in Philadelphia,
failure and everything,
and he contracted dysentery or typhus on the way. And he writes this pamphlet
that's published in
January, early January of 1776. At that point, the war has already started at
Lexington and Concord the
previous April, but nobody's really sure what we're going to do with this
rebellion. And certainly
independency, as they called it, is not on the mind of everybody. But he writes
this thing called
common sense. It's this pamphlet, the most important pamphlet in American
history, and just
comes out and says, the king is an ass, you know? And he's Thomas Paine? Yeah,
Thomas Paine, you know?
And he then says, not since the time of Noah, you know what happened with Noah,
do we have a chance
to remake the world? And that's the American Revolution. It's suddenly, you're
no longer quarreling over
Native American land or taxes or representation. You're actually into the
biggest idea that human
beings have suggested, that we could actually govern ourselves. No, that had
never happened before.
And that we could sustain. And we then sponsor, these ideas sponsor revolutions
for the next 200
plus years. And, you know, we've been going along for 249 years pretty well.
Thank you.
And we're in it. Thank you very much. That's a great answer.
I love the love letter to the future though, man. I'm not going to forget that.
That's a great gift
you gave me today. Thank you. Oh, man. That's, that's what it is because it's
all about.
You said it's the pursuit of happiness, right? It's like, right. Sometimes we,
even now you're
challenging the way that I've thought about some of this because it's like, um,
and you, and you're,
and you're, the documentary does this and I think it's eight parts. I'm not
sure.
Six, six parts, 12 hours. I haven't watched all of it, but, um, but, uh, but it
challenges you
to think about that. It's like, you're not just here to just be here, right?
You're not just here.
Like you got this Willy Wonka ticket, like to be in a, uh, a citizen or a part
of a society.
It's something that is alive and that's evolving and you need to constantly put
it under the
microscope and you need to put you under the microscope, right? We don't have a
relationship
with ourselves. That's one thing. I think a lot of people don't have a
relationship with
themselves anymore. And so I think when you're not sitting there and thinking
and contemplating
where you're at and how the world's affecting you and how you can affect the
world, I think
it starts to limit us to just looking at our, at our declaration of
independence almost just
as like a receipt of times instead of as a, uh, living document, you know, or
more of like
a living will and Testament.
I don't know how it could be said any better than that. I think we wear too
many things instead
of be too many things. We wear our faith and use it as a cudgel. You know, if
there's
one thing I learned about, um, making films about the U S and us is that there's
only us,
there's no them. I mean, and people are always creating a them to make an enemy
in order to,
to, to postpone the active work that I have to do that self-investigation. And
that's
interestingly enough, that, that self-reflective sense that I need to improve,
you know, um, Mark
Twain once said, uh, nothing so needs improving as other people's habits. Like
we're always ready
to say, man, you should do this differently. You should do that differently,
but we're not willing
to, you know, my, I have an ancestor, the Scottish poet, Robert Burns, who said,
Oh, would some power
the gift to give us to see ourselves as others see us. And I think that this
whole work of not just
wearing your ideas like a piece of clothing, a fashion, but absorbing them and
living it is the
big, uh, dynamic. So everybody, it is in the interest of an authoritarian to
have everybody be
a kind of superstitious peasant, right? Uneducated, not improving, not in
pursuit of happiness and,
and lifelong learning, which is what that, what they all meant. I'm not, that's
where they want us.
That's where, that's where, that's where the rulers want you there. They want
you in a place where
you're passive, where you're distracted by your, your things and your whatever,
and this scandal and
stuff like that. Eleanor Roosevelt once said that, that great people discuss
ideas. Um, average people
discuss events and small minds discuss other people, you know, and you realize
the extent to which
our old culture is based on kind of judgment, not of ourselves, not with the,
with the self-reflective
scrutiny that all of our religious teachings, all of our philosophy, and all of
the common sense of
negotiating this complicated thing that we call our lives suggest, but abandoning
that in favor of,
I can tell you what you're doing and I can tell you what he's doing wrong, but
oh no, I'm, I'm,
I'm, I'm fine here, you know, I believe this. Well, it's nice, it's nice to
reflect, because it's
fucking painful to look at yourself. That is. And I think it's painful, or I
don't know if it's
painful, it was inventive of these guys, um, at the time. Even, even when the
French decide to come
in after the Battle of Saratoga, it's still not a given that we're going to win.
Washington isn't
totally sure that we're going to win. And when Charleston falls in, in the
spring of 1780, it's like,
I think the game is over. I'm not sure how we can continue. And he does. And,
and then the French,
we have a few engagements, the first couple of engagements with the French are
disasters. And
we're thinking, maybe we don't, their help isn't going to be helpful. And then
their army comes,
and they march with Washington, not to New York to liberate it, but around and
down. And they trap
Cornwallis, and the French Navy defeats the British and allows the big guns to
come in from you.
I mean, it is as riveting a story as you could ever tell. And it's our story
and nobody knows it.
It's our origin story. It's our origin mythology. It's our, it's our, our, you
know, Valhalla. It's
our, it's our Thor and Odin. This, these are all the, the founding stuff. And
what could be more
important? And particularly today, when we feel like we're divided, so divided,
well, you go, well,
we're pretty divided back then. And we were pretty divided during the Vietnam.
We were really divided
during the great, great depression. And, and we were really, you know, in
America first, and we were
really divided during the civil war. So maybe we're always divided. And maybe
the essence is not to
just keep pointing and escalating it, but say, how do, what do we share in
common? Well, I'll tell you
what we share in common. We share an origin story that on July 4th in 1776,
very few countries know
exactly when they were born, where Philadelphia, when July 4th, 1776, and what
we hold these truths
to be self-evident. That's our story.
That's our zodiac sign.
So we are cancer. That's our zodiac sign. Yeah. July 4th. Although I read an
article the other day
that suggests that actually these borders of the signs might have be shifting.
So now I'm going to,
now I'm going to put an asterisk next.
Okay.
So America's a cancer.
Cancer with an asterisk.
Okay.
I love that.
Take me character. Cancer is characterized as highly emotional, imaginative,
and loyal.
There you go.
That's pretty American.
So maybe, maybe we ought to work on those things. Tenacious, sympathetic,
creative,
protective. That's pretty good.
Weaknesses are moodiness, insecurity, pessimism, and being easily hurt.
So there's a-
So we're here, dude.
So we, this is us, right? This is the US. This is us, right?
This is us.
People get an idea of what a culture is, right?
Yeah.
And especially, I mean, Britain was predominantly white, probably, I would
guess, until they took in slaves and
Native Americans. I'm not sure.
Well, they, there was not a-
Or Caucasian, I guess they would have called it at the time, or European?
They were European, but they're also a mixture of lots of European cultures.
And they, their whole
worldwide economy was dependent on slavery, mostly in the Caribbean, as the
Spanish had it, mostly
in South and Central America. And then we had it in the Southern states. It was,
slavery was legal
in the colonies from New Hampshire to Georgia. And then one by one, the
Northern states sort of realized it. And George Washington freed his slaves. I
mean, George, they all knew.
He kept a couple, somebody said. I don't know if that's true.
But Thomas Jefferson understood, they were, they understood that slavery was
morally wrong.
Right.
And yet it was an impossible, what's the right word? It was a, they're making
too much money not to give it up.
And it's only later in the 19th century, when the abolitionist movement comes,
we should abolish slavery, that then you find slaveholders now making really
big arguments about how, oh, they're inferior, they're children, they can't
handle freedom, and all of this stuff.
All of which they didn't really express. Thomas Jefferson did a little bit in
his notes on the state of Virginia. It's very, very complicated. But we're
always looking for a way to say that some people are more equal than others.
And if you believe in equality, that's not the case. That if you believe in the
second line of the declaration, which is our catechism, then it's everybody.
And that people have the ability to rise according to their abilities and
opportunities.
And you try to provide as many opportunities for as many people. But the minute
you transform this civic, you know, just explosion, this beautiful civic
compact that we have, and racialize it, it can only be white, it can only be
black, and it can only be this, it can only be that, it's already lost.
It is not one thing, it is not one thing or one type of people. That's where
you go wrong.
But history does that alike. It's kind of interesting because it's like, even
like, even whenever they were declaring America, right, and deciding what it
meant to be American, and they were, in this period that you investigated in
the American Revolution documentary, it's like, they were saying this is who we
are, right?
At the same time, they're also colonizing. It's just, it's interesting when
colonization and human and being human started to sort of, I don't know, do you
know what I'm kind of saying?
I know what you're talking about.
It's just such a weird dichotomy.
It's the difference between the ideal and the human possibility at any given
moment. And what the founders were saying is that in order to have a government
that operates,
not only do all people have to be created equal, but you have to be pursuing
this self-examination. We should be interested in improving ourselves.
So, when Thomas Jefferson wrote, "All Men Are Created Equal," he meant all
white men of property free of debt.
He did not mean a majority of the white population of the colonies, women. He
did not mean the 500,000 free and enslaved African Americans.
He did not mean the native peoples both intermixed with people and part of the
rest of the continent. And remember, we didn't say when we started our Congress
and when we started our army, we didn't say the Eastern Seaboard Congress. We
didn't say the Eastern Seaboard Army. We said the Continental Congress, the
Continental Army.
We knew where we were going and we knew who we were going to run over to get it.
And even when the Constitution was started, women were let out.
In Philadelphia, Elizabeth William Powell met Benjamin Franklin as he came out
in mid-September in 1787 from Independence Hall, where they had been, you know,
figuring out the Constitution and getting it down, and said, "What have you
created, Dr. Franklin, a monarchy or a republic?"
And he said, "A republic, if you can keep it." Meaning, we're going to do this.
Now, when they went into it in 1776, they were not after a democracy.
Democracy meant mob rule to a lot of people. They were interested in an aristocracy
of the elites, right?
But in order to win the war, they had to enlist, not the sturdy militiamen, who
often left to go plant a crop or often left to go harvest that crop,
but they ended up with an army. The Continentals, the regular army of the
United States of America, the Continental Army,
were teenagers, second and third sons without a chance of an inheritance, felons,
ne'er-do-wells,
recent immigrants from Germany and England, and they won the war.
And so, as they're beginning... The dogs.
The dogs won the war, and as they're beginning, and we follow them, as you'll
see, you know, in this story,
14-year-old kid from Boston named John Greenroom, 15-year-old kid Joseph Plum
Martin from Connecticut,
you know, a 10-year-old girl from Yorktown who's a refugee all of the war.
You get to meet them. So, it's not just George Washington and all of that stuff.
But when they start trying to figure out their state constitutions,
Pennsylvania says,
"Well, why don't we give votes to every white man who's 21 or older, whether
their own property or not?"
And John Adams is like, "Wait, wait, wait, we're not gonna... What about the
aristocracy? Not, you know, not the landed."
So, what happens is, is that democracy is not an object of our revolution, it's
a consequence of it, which is okay,
because if you've got an unintended consequence of democracy, that's pretty
good.
Pretty cool.
As our First Amendment says, it's, the government will establish no religion,
you have freedom of the press and freedom of assembly.
These are the hallmarks, the number one thing. After the Constitution was done,
everybody said,
"Whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, time out. We've got a constitution,
we've got an operating manual,
but we're not gonna go forward in this unless we get a bill of rights that
tells us what, you know, that enshrines the things we just fought for, the
things we just died for."
There's, you know, there's one, you know, the Saving Private Ryan story of, you
know, sons are dying.
It's based on a true story where a woman, I think from Iowa, his last name is
Sullivan, lost four sons in a battleship that went down and the Department of
War said, you know,
we're now gonna separate everybody, all the brothers. Rebecca Tanner, a Mo Keegan
woman, meaning probably Connecticut, lost five sons, not four, but five sons
fighting for the Patriot cause.
This is a Native American woman. So you realize that's the sacrifice that
people have made in order for us to be able to hold a demonstration, express
our point of view nonviolently,
uh, and to be able to, uh, tolerate lots of ideas. I mean, it, you, you can't
say, uh, we're only going to tolerate our ideas and everybody else who doesn't
agree with us are therefore bad.
You know, I mean, across the street from us on 23rd street in New York city,
where we are right now is the headquarters of the communist party of the United
States that has as much right to its office space as the Republican national
committee.
Committee or the Democratic national committee. Huh? Doesn't it? In a country
in which all ideas are free? Is the head, is the head of the communist party?
The, the, the American communist party has its headquarters across the street
and they have had their headquarters there for decades and decades and decades.
Well, you know, what's funny to me, Ken, is that it feels like just being a
regular American, that's hopeful. You're almost a communist these days in our
own country.
Well, that's, you know what I'm saying? That, that idea,

The American Revolution is the Most Important Event Since the Birth of Christ

I want to, The American Revolution, it's a new series. It comes out next month?
It comes out in November, November 16th. And I've been working on it for, when
it comes out,
it'll be nine years and 11 months. I started it. I said yes to it when Barack
Obama had 13 months
to go in his presidency. And, you know, Mark Twain says history doesn't repeat
itself. He's
absolutely right. No event has happened twice. But the Bible, Old Testament,
says there's nothing
new under the sun, meaning human nature doesn't change. So Mark Twain is
supposed to have said
history doesn't repeat itself, but it rhymes. So I've never worked on a film in
which it wasn't
rhyming in the present moment. And so The Revolution is just another one of
these extraordinary stories,
our origin story, which we've lost touch with. Oh, I think there's no doubt
about it.
It's at arm's length because there are no photographs. There's no newsreels.
They're in
buckled shoes. They got hoes. They got breeches. They got waistcoats. They got
powdered wigs. And
somehow we don't want to fuss with the great ideas. And the great ideas are the
greatest ideas ever. I
actually think the American Revolution is the most important event since the
birth of Christ. I heard
you say that. I really, really firmly believe that because if you think about
it, up until that moment,
everybody was under an authoritarian rule. They were subjects. They were
superstitious peasants. And we
created citizens. And that's a big deal. When we say we hold these truths to be
self-evident,
there was nothing self-evident about what Jefferson was about to say, that all
men are created equal.
No one on earth had made that proposition. Really?
That they're endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights that
among these are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Let's go.
That is not stuff that the world had ever really heard. He had distilled a
century of enlightenment
thinking. He'd been goaded on by what was happening in the breakdown of
relationships with the British
over stuff. And what became a quarrel between Englishmen suddenly got broken
out into natural
rights. Like, this is what we all not only deserve, but the world needs to
change. And it did from that
moment on.
And that was Jefferson.
And that's Jefferson distilling it, but it's the sensibility of everybody. The
other thing is that
it's a process thing. It's like democracy isn't something that you, it's a
thing. It's a process.
It's something you do. So when it says pursuit of happiness, the key is, we can
get to happiness in
a second, but the key is pursuit. It's like after a more perfect union, as the
constitution says,
the pursuit means it's a process. You're never getting there. And happiness did
not mean the
acquisition of things in a marketplace of objects, but lifelong learning so
that you would be virtuous
enough. They borrowed from the classical traditions to earn the right of
citizenship. And everybody
talked to you here as we're working on that virtue, virtue, virtue. It's all
about character. It's all
about the idea that character is destiny. John Adams is petrified that there's
too much ambition and
avarice, too much lust for profit, that we won't be virtuous enough to sustain
this republic. It's so
interesting because they're all the ideas that we wrestle with today, you know?
So the declaration is kind of like a love letter to the future in a way.
Oh God, my God. That's the best expression I've ever heard. That's exactly what
it is.
Tom Paine, Thomas Paine, an Englishman who came off the boat in Philadelphia,
failure and everything,
and he contracted dysentery or typhus on the way. And he writes this pamphlet
that's published in
January, early January of 1776. At that point, the war has already started at
Lexington and Concord the
previous April, but nobody's really sure what we're going to do with this
rebellion. And certainly
independency, as they called it, is not on the mind of everybody. But he writes
this thing called
common sense. It's this pamphlet, the most important pamphlet in American
history, and just
comes out and says, the king is an ass, you know? And he's Thomas Paine? Yeah,
Thomas Paine, you know?
And he then says, not since the time of Noah, you know what happened with Noah,
do we have a chance
to remake the world? And that's the American Revolution. It's suddenly, you're
no longer quarreling over
Native American land or taxes or representation. You're actually into the
biggest idea that human
beings have suggested, that we could actually govern ourselves. No, that had
never happened before.
And that we could sustain. And we then sponsor, these ideas sponsor revolutions
for the next 200
plus years. And, you know, we've been going along for 249 years pretty well.
Thank you.
And we're in it. Thank you very much. That's a great answer.
I love the love letter to the future though, man. I'm not going to forget that.
That's a great gift
you gave me today. Thank you. Oh, man. That's, that's what it is because it's
all about.
You said it's the pursuit of happiness, right? It's like, right. Sometimes we,
even now you're
challenging the way that I've thought about some of this because it's like, um,
and you, and you're,
and you're, the documentary does this and I think it's eight parts. I'm not
sure.
Six, six parts, 12 hours. I haven't watched all of it, but, um, but, uh, but it
challenges you
to think about that. It's like, you're not just here to just be here, right?
You're not just here.
Like you got this Willy Wonka ticket, like to be in a, uh, a citizen or a part
of a society.
It's something that is alive and that's evolving and you need to constantly put
it under the
microscope and you need to put you under the microscope, right? We don't have a
relationship
with ourselves. That's one thing. I think a lot of people don't have a
relationship with
themselves anymore. And so I think when you're not sitting there and thinking
and contemplating
where you're at and how the world's affecting you and how you can affect the
world, I think
it starts to limit us to just looking at our, at our declaration of
independence almost just
as like a receipt of times instead of as a, uh, living document, you know, or
more of like
a living will and Testament.
I don't know how it could be said any better than that. I think we wear too
many things instead
of be too many things. We wear our faith and use it as a cudgel. You know, if
there's
one thing I learned about, um, making films about the U S and us is that there's
only us,
there's no them. I mean, and people are always creating a them to make an enemy
in order to,
to, to postpone the active work that I have to do that self-investigation. And
that's
interestingly enough, that, that self-reflective sense that I need to improve,
you know, um, Mark
Twain once said, uh, nothing so needs improving as other people's habits. Like
we're always ready
to say, man, you should do this differently. You should do that differently,
but we're not willing
to, you know, my, I have an ancestor, the Scottish poet, Robert Burns, who said,
Oh, would some power
the gift to give us to see ourselves as others see us. And I think that this
whole work of not just
wearing your ideas like a piece of clothing, a fashion, but absorbing them and
living it is the
big, uh, dynamic. So everybody, it is in the interest of an authoritarian to
have everybody be
a kind of superstitious peasant, right? Uneducated, not improving, not in
pursuit of happiness and,
and lifelong learning, which is what that, what they all meant. I'm not, that's
where they want us.
That's where, that's where, that's where the rulers want you there. They want
you in a place where
you're passive, where you're distracted by your, your things and your whatever,
and this scandal and
stuff like that. Eleanor Roosevelt once said that, that great people discuss
ideas. Um, average people
discuss events and small minds discuss other people, you know, and you realize
the extent to which
our old culture is based on kind of judgment, not of ourselves, not with the,
with the self-reflective
scrutiny that all of our religious teachings, all of our philosophy, and all of
the common sense of
negotiating this complicated thing that we call our lives suggest, but abandoning
that in favor of,
I can tell you what you're doing and I can tell you what he's doing wrong, but
oh no, I'm, I'm,
I'm, I'm fine here, you know, I believe this. Well, it's nice, it's nice to
reflect, because it's
fucking painful to look at yourself. That is. And I think it's painful, or I
don't know if it's
painful, it was inventive of these guys, um, at the time. Even, even when the
French decide to come
in after the Battle of Saratoga, it's still not a given that we're going to win.
Washington isn't
totally sure that we're going to win. And when Charleston falls in, in the
spring of 1780, it's like,
I think the game is over. I'm not sure how we can continue. And he does. And,
and then the French,
we have a few engagements, the first couple of engagements with the French are
disasters. And
we're thinking, maybe we don't, their help isn't going to be helpful. And then
their army comes,
and they march with Washington, not to New York to liberate it, but around and
down. And they trap
Cornwallis, and the French Navy defeats the British and allows the big guns to
come in from you.
I mean, it is as riveting a story as you could ever tell. And it's our story
and nobody knows it.
It's our origin story. It's our origin mythology. It's our, it's our, our, you
know, Valhalla. It's
our, it's our Thor and Odin. This, these are all the, the founding stuff. And
what could be more
important? And particularly today, when we feel like we're divided, so divided,
well, you go, well,
we're pretty divided back then. And we were pretty divided during the Vietnam.
We were really divided
during the great, great depression. And, and we were really, you know, in
America first, and we were
really divided during the civil war. So maybe we're always divided. And maybe
the essence is not to
just keep pointing and escalating it, but say, how do, what do we share in
common? Well, I'll tell you
what we share in common. We share an origin story that on July 4th in 1776,
very few countries know
exactly when they were born, where Philadelphia, when July 4th, 1776, and what
we hold these truths
to be self-evident. That's our story.
That's our zodiac sign.
So we are cancer. That's our zodiac sign. Yeah. July 4th. Although I read an
article the other day
that suggests that actually these borders of the signs might have be shifting.
So now I'm going to,
now I'm going to put an asterisk next.
Okay.
So America's a cancer.
Cancer with an asterisk.
Okay.
I love that.
Take me character. Cancer is characterized as highly emotional, imaginative,
and loyal.
There you go.
That's pretty American.
So maybe, maybe we ought to work on those things. Tenacious, sympathetic,
creative,
protective. That's pretty good.
Weaknesses are moodiness, insecurity, pessimism, and being easily hurt.
So there's a-
So we're here, dude.
So we, this is us, right? This is the US. This is us, right?
This is us.
People get an idea of what a culture is, right?
Yeah.
And especially, I mean, Britain was predominantly white, probably, I would
guess, until they took in slaves and
Native Americans. I'm not sure.
Well, they, there was not a-
Or Caucasian, I guess they would have called it at the time, or European?
They were European, but they're also a mixture of lots of European cultures.
And they, their whole
worldwide economy was dependent on slavery, mostly in the Caribbean, as the
Spanish had it, mostly
in South and Central America. And then we had it in the Southern states. It was,
slavery was legal
in the colonies from New Hampshire to Georgia. And then one by one, the
Northern states sort of realized it. And George Washington freed his slaves. I
mean, George, they all knew.
He kept a couple, someb